Corruption flourishes at the service delivery points affecting
the interaction between health workers and patients when the following
conditions arise: staff is underpaid as a result of constrained health
budgets, when exceptional performance of health providers is not noticed
or adequately rewarded, and when rules and sanctions are not enforced
due to lack of oversight and supervision. Most common abuses include informal
charging of patients, theft of drugs and medical supplies, illegal use
of public facilities for private practices, self referral of patients,
and absenteeism. All these practices undermine the quality, access and
use of health services.
- My son was vaccinated with water because we were too
poor to pay the health worker the extra fee. (Man, Uganda)
Informal payments
Health workers respond to inadequate salaries and difficult living and
working conditions by developing individual coping strategies, many of
which can be seen as "survival corruption"
[1]. Patients pay unofficial fees to gain access to health services
that are supposed to be free of charge, to reduce waiting time, receive
drugs, treatment or hospital meals as well as to ensure better attention
and improved quality of treatment. Such practices are widespread in developing
and transition countries. Informal payments have been consistently associated
with massive reduction in the use of services in Poland and Uganda, due
to financial accessibility of care. In the long run, they also compromise
the quality of the health system by channelling out-of-pocket payments
outside of the public health system. Many studies have been conducted
in the past several years that explore the motivations behind informal
payments, which is an essential step in order to design effective strategies
to prevent them [2].
“Pilfering for survival” A study published in Human Resources for Health entitled
“Pilfering
for survival: how health workers use access to drugs as a coping
strategy” (2004) confirms that health workers in Mozambique
and Cape Verde do take advantage of their privileged access
to pharmaceuticals, and that this abuse has become a key element
in the coping strategies health personnel develop to deal with
difficult living conditions. Based on a self-administered questionnaire
addressed to a sample of health workers, it identifies the reasons
given for misusing access to drugs, shows how the problem is
perceived by the health workers, and discusses the implications
for finding solutions to the problem.
Private practices / self-referral / absenteeism
Doctors working for government have been increasingly allowed to open
private practices as a strategy to supplement their meagre salaries. This
has produced mixed results, with doctors spending official time in private
practices, using public facilities and equipment to treat private patients,
or merely utilising the public system to channel patients to their private
practice. This often leads to high rates of absenteeism which represents
a significant loss of funds and public resources. In Bangladesh, unannounced
visits to public health facilities showed that doctors were absent more
than 40% of the time [3].
Another study showed that absenteeism in primary health care clinics in
non-HIV/AIDS afflicted countries ranged from 28-42%
[4].
Absenteeism is often associated with low salaries, lucrative opportunities
for selling services privately and lack of sanction or punishment.
Training and selling of accreditation or positions
and licensing
Political influence, nepotism and favouritism can occur in the selection
of candidates for training opportunities, appointment, hiring, and promotion
and licensing of health personnel. Training is a particularly vulnerable
area with trainees paying bribes to gain a place in a medical school or
passing exams, jeopardising the competence of trained health workers.
As noted in Nataliya Rumyantseva's article on "Taxonomy of Corruption
in Higher Education" [5],
higher education has a critical influence on young people's values and
beliefs about right and wrong, and thus, on the nation's leadership. Corruption
in professional education is therefore of very great concern.
Health care fraud In countries where governments or health insurance companies can be
billed for services rendered, a large range of fraudulent practices can
occur, including billing for services that were not rendered, for more
expensive services than were rendered, over prescribing or performing
unnecessary interventions. Losses can be substantial: the U.S. government
has estimated that improper Medicare fee-for-service payments, including
non-hospital services, may be in the range of $11.9 billion to $23.2 billion
per year, or 6.8 to 14% of total payments
[6]. Due to complicated procedures, such practices are often difficult
to monitor, detect and sanction.
Conflict of interest Pecuniary gains can influence a physician's decision and induce unnecessary
interventions or over-prescriptions, whereby performed interventions or
prescribed drugs are based on the remunerative aspect of the treatment
rather than a patient's medical needs. In Peru, for example, studies have
shown that in private hospitals 70% of births were caesarean deliveries
against 20 % in public hospitals
[7] . Physicians' medical practices can be influenced by questionable
relationships of a financial or non-financial nature between doctors,
firms and pharmacies.
For anti-corruption regulations to be effective, the patients’ rights
must be clear and well known, channels of complaints simple and well
defined and regulatory agencies strong and trusted. Moreover, successful
strategies must not only focus on prohibiting corrupt practise and
enforcing sanctions against transgressors but address the underlying
causes of corruption and provide incentives for good performance and
honest behaviours.
Salaries and living conditions Prohibition of corrupt practices cannot succeed if health workers’
wages remains low, but increasing salaries is not always a realistic
option in many developing countries. An experiment carried out in
Buenos Aires showed that
the effectiveness of anti-corruption wage policies is largely dependent
on the accompanying monitoring and auditing measures. Downsizing the
public service in order to divide resources available for salaries
among a smaller workforce meets much resistance in the public sector.
Promoting contractual relationships between government and health
workers rather than public service salaried status could be an alternative
strategy to investigate further.
Official user fees The introduction of official users' fees in health centres has been
promoted as a strategy to eliminate unofficial payments, generating revenues
that can be channelled back into operational costs or used to finance
adequate salaries for health workers. This approach has produced mixed
results in many countries in terms of financial accessibility and equity
of health care and has been consistently associated with reduction of
the use of services, especially preventive measures such as immunisation.
Users' fees are clearly not an option for prevention, education or disease
surveillance functions [8].
At the same time, hospitals and health centers in Cambodia have had success
in reducing informal payments by formalizing user fees, and promoting
professionalism among staff
[9] . For example, one hospital created individual contracts with
personnel and increased pay scales while enforcing accountability and
sanctioning poor performance
[10]. Similarly, reforms in Kyrgyzstan have shown some reduction in
informal payments through the introduction of formal copayments
[10a] Another hospital in Albania also has used formal user fees to
try to decrease informal payments, and succeeded in raising physician
salaries five-fold while increasing utilization
[11].
Hierarchical accountability and improved management Monitoring performance of civil servants has great potential to reduce
corruption when associated with higher wages. This strategy involves defining
clear performance expectations as well as job descriptions, transparent
and enforced rules and behaviour standards as well as introducing fairly
implemented merit based promotion policies. It also requires effective
monitoring instruments that are insufficiently developed at present. Internal
supervision can be complemented by external audits, unannounced visits
to health facilities and evaluation of services by clients and beneficiaries.
Innovative technology and management procedures at the facility level
can also enhance efficiency and quality of service provision, reduce long
waiting times and opportunities of bribery to gain or speed up access
to medical care. External monitoring can be improved by providing channels
for whistleblowing and legal support to citizens who feel they have been
treated unfairly or harmed through corruption
[12].
Code of ethics Codes of ethics regulating the medical profession can be adopted and
promoted through professional organisations and associations to address
conflict of interest issues. The promotion of cost-effective evidence-based
clinical treatment guidelines at the national and sub-national levels
can also limit opportunities for abuse.
Hong Kong – Integrity in Practice In addition to providing other profession-specific corruption
prevention materials, the Independent Commission Against Corruption
(ICAC) in Hong Kong produced a practical guide for medical practitioners
in cooperation with the Hong Kong Medical Association. Aiming to
promote a high ethical standard in medical practice, A guidebook
(Integrity
in Practice - A Practical Guide for Medical Practitioners on Corruption
Prevention) was distributed to all doctors in Hong Kong and
made available on the internet. The guidebook contains information
on the anti-corruption laws and on the corruption prone areas in
the practice of medicine, illustrated by cases or hypothetical cases
from both the public and private sectors.
Access to information When seeking health services, patients should be in a position to
make informed choices and select appropriate providers at appropriate
prices and standards of quality. This requires consumers to be informed
of their rights, of the services available, prices and conditions of access.
Making information public also tend to have an effect on providers directly
by holding them up to scrutiny by peers, making it more difficult to conceal
dishonourable activities and so forth [13] . An assessment of vulnerabilities
to corruption in Albania suggested several initiatives to increase patient
information, including a strategy to disseminate official price information;
conduct trend analysis of drug prices in private pharmacies being reimbursed
by the government, and affordability for patients; creation of consumer
guides to health regulation; and establishment of a Citizen's Advocacy
Office for Health Concerns [14].
Voice based strategies Information and voice-based strategies that involve the community
in decisions affecting them, as well as in monitoring activities, have
proven to be very effective in regulating health services. Community participation
can be achieved through the constitution of local health boards or committees,
in which civil society is represented and involved at all levels of the
decision-making process as well as in monitoring activities. Because they
are not of visible and immediate value for the community, such strategies
may need to be adapted to preventive or educational public health services
[15] . Effective citizen
oversight boards were associated with lower rates of informal payments
and lower input prices paid in municipal hospitals in Bolivia
[16]. Efficient complaint mechanisms must also be in place to provide
opportunities to report and prosecute abuse and restore the public trust
in institutions.
[1] Van Lerberghe W., Conceicao C., Van Damme W.,
and Ferrinho P. 2002. When staff is underpaid: dealing with the
individual coping strategies of health personnel, Bulletin of
the World Health Organization, 80 (7), p 581-584
[2] Vian, T., et al. Informal Payments in Government
Health Facilities in Albania: Results of a Qualitative Study. Social
Science and Medicine published online August 22, 2005;
Ensor T. 2004. Informal payments for health care in transition economies.
Social Science & Medicine. 48:237-246;
Balabanova D, McKee M. 2002. Understanding informal payments for
health care: the example of Bulgaria, Health Policy. 62; 243-273
[9] Robert Soeters and Fred Griffiths, Improving
government health services through contract management: a case from
Cambodia. Health Policy and Planning. 2003:;18(1):74-83
[10] Barber S, Bonnet F, Bekedam H. Formalizing
under-the-table payments to control out-of-pocket hospital expenditures
in Cambodia. Health Policy and Planning. Jul 2004;19(4):199-208
[12] Vian T. Corruption
in the health sector in Albania. Report prepared for the Albanian
Civil Society Corruption Reduction Project of USAID (Washington, DC:
Management Systems International) 2003
[13] William D. Savedoff, memo to TI 14 July, 2004
[16] Gray-Molina G., Pérez de Rada E., and
Yañez E. Does voice matter? Participation and controlling
corruption in Bolivian hospitals. In Di Tella R. and Savedoff W.
2001. Diagnosis Corruption: Fraud in Latin America's Public Hospitals.
Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank, p. 27-56
Review of corruption in the health sector:
theory, methods and interventions .pdf
(Taryn Vian)
This article presents a comprehensive framework and a set of methodologies for describing and measuring how opportunities, pressures and rationalizations influence corruption in the health sector. The article discusses implications for intervention, and presents examples of how theory has been applied in research and practice. Challenges of tailoring anti-corruption strategies to particular contexts, and future directions for research, are addressed.
Published in Health Policy and Planning (Volume 23, Number 2, March 2008). [The Open Access to this article is sponsored by U4]
A tale of two health systems. pdf (William D. Savedoff)
A closer look at two countries demonstrates how corruption manifests itself differently across health systems. Colombia and Venezuela are neighbouring Latin American countries with comparable incomes that share many similarities in history, culture and language. Until 1990, the two countries also had similarly fragmented health systems, comprised of a large social security institutions that served the formal sector; national or state-level governments that directly provided health care services to the rest of the population; and an active private sector that relied predominantly on direct payment for services by patients and their families.
In the early 1990s, Colombia engaged a series of dramatic health reforms that decentralised public services to the municipal level and, in parallel, created a mandatory universal insurance system with the participation of non-governmental insurers (for-profit and non-profit).
Detailed Implementation Review India Health Sector 2006-2007 Volume II .pdf
This Report summarizes the findings of a Detailed Implementation Review (DIR) of five
Bank-financed projects in India: the Food and Drugs Capacity Building Project, the Orissa
Health Systems Development Project, the Second National AIDS Control Project, the Malaria
Control Project, and the Tuberculosis Control Project.
This excellent working paper looks at factual
evidence to describe the main challenges facing health care delivery
in developing countries, including absenteeism, corruption, informal
payments, and mismanagement. The author concludes that good governance
is important in ensuring effective health care delivery, and that
returns to investments in health are low where governance issues
are not addressed. The paper provides policy options for promoting
better governance.