Breaking down the budget process into consecutive stages is a helpful
way to understand the various steps of the budget cycle. The cycle starts
with governmental policy inception, which involves an analysis of the
previous fiscal year, the setting of priorities, and estimates of income.
It is followed by the government's budget formulation, including setting
the resource framework, objectives and priorities. Upon enactment through
the legislature, the budget is actually executed (or implemented) during
the fiscal year: Revenues are collected, funds released, personnel are
deployed, and planned activities are carried out. The budget cycle ends
with the monitoring and evaluation of achievements: Expenditures are accounted
for, the achievement of targets is measured, and the audit institutions
provide their feedback to the legislature. Their information is used to
analyse and formulate the next year's budget. Figure 1 illustrates the
various stages of the budget cycle.
Opportunities for corruption in the budget formulation
process
The budget is the main policy instrument of the government. However,
policy objectives and priorities often do not find expression in annual
budgets. For example, even though government policy documents may pledge
commitment to social goals, sectors like defence and large infrastructure
projects often receive a disproportionate share of the budget, because
they provide more opportunity for kickbacks and pay-offs to politicians.
Budgets are frequently built on unrealistic estimates, either over- or
underestimating tax income, which makes it difficult to understand and
act on a budget proposal. A comprehensive budget analysis therefore needs
to look at both the revenue and the expenditure side of the budget. These
distortions and manipulations of the budget can constitute acts of corruption
in that they favour the political and economic elite of a country. Analyses
of the health sector indicate that public expenditure tends to disproportionately
benefit the rich in a majority of nations. It is common that priority
is given to tertiary hospitals using costly equipment while smaller primary
care clinics may be left without both staffing and equipment. This could
be the result of officials being influenced to allocate funds to benefit
a supplier or to benefit a particular group. Officials could also be influenced
to insert specific subsidies or tax exemptions in the budget.
Budget
Approaches to the Right to Health
In April 2004 the World Health Organisation (WHO) organised a meeting
in Geneva to bring together different research initiatives on monitoring
government compliance with the right to health. The Mexican non-governmental
organisation (NGO) Fundar discussed its work to evaluate the right
to health systematically through budget analysis. Fundar explained
that the two core requirement for the realisation of social and
economic rights - progressiveness and using available resources
- could be examined by analysing the availability and accessibility
of health services.
A problem in the budget formulation process is that significant portions
of resources may not appear in the budget: they are off budget. This is
often a consequence of donors who do not trust a country's financial management
system, and that often compete for projects. As a consequence, substantial
expenditures may simply not appear in the government's budget. Ministries
may also prefer not to disclose donors' project grants and internally
generated funds because they fear that this may decrease their share of
government funds. The lack of information is common in the health sector
judging from studies in Uganda. The fact that the private sector is a
major player in health care in many low-income countries may contribute
to the poor data collection. Off-budget activities create non-transparent,
parallel systems that make comprehensive budget analysis and monitoring
of expenditures difficult. Delays in donor disbursements also cause difficulties
in estimating the full resource envelope.
Opportunities for corruption in budget execution
and evaluation
Once the budget has been approved by the legislature, the executive has
to ensure that it is implemented in line with what was enacted into law.
However, in many countries, budget management systems are so poor that
it is difficult for the executive to monitor how resources are spent.
Financial information on expenditures is frequently late, often incomprehensive
and inaccurate. Crucial data are often non-existent, and the data that
are available are plagued by problems of timeliness, accessibility and
frequency.
In practice, therefore, budgets are not always implemented in the exact
form in which they were approved. Funding levels in the budget are not
adhered to and authorised funds are not spent for the intended purposes.
These practices are not necessarily corrupt. However, if for example trips
abroad for high level public officials are well over budget, whereas the
budget allocated for recurrent charges, such as medical supplies, is not
spent, then corrupt behaviour of public officials may have played a role.
Once the fiscal year is over, the public (and the legislature who represents
them) should be able to measure whether public resources have been spent
effectively. Again, this is often hampered by delays in providing information
and a lack of access. Even when data and statistics are accessible in
time, they may be inappropriate, faulty and organised (e.g. aggregated)
in a way that readers cannot draw any conclusions from them.
Review of corruption in the health sector:
theory, methods and interventions .pdf
(Taryn Vian)
This article presents a comprehensive framework and a set of methodologies for describing and measuring how opportunities, pressures and rationalizations influence corruption in the health sector. The article discusses implications for intervention, and presents examples of how theory has been applied in research and practice. Challenges of tailoring anti-corruption strategies to particular contexts, and future directions for research, are addressed.
Published in Health Policy and Planning (Volume 23, Number 2, March 2008). [The Open Access to this article is sponsored by U4]
A tale of two health systems. pdf (William D. Savedoff)
A closer look at two countries demonstrates how corruption manifests itself differently across health systems. Colombia and Venezuela are neighbouring Latin American countries with comparable incomes that share many similarities in history, culture and language. Until 1990, the two countries also had similarly fragmented health systems, comprised of a large social security institutions that served the formal sector; national or state-level governments that directly provided health care services to the rest of the population; and an active private sector that relied predominantly on direct payment for services by patients and their families.
In the early 1990s, Colombia engaged a series of dramatic health reforms that decentralised public services to the municipal level and, in parallel, created a mandatory universal insurance system with the participation of non-governmental insurers (for-profit and non-profit).
Detailed Implementation Review India Health Sector 2006-2007 Volume II .pdf
This Report summarizes the findings of a Detailed Implementation Review (DIR) of five
Bank-financed projects in India: the Food and Drugs Capacity Building Project, the Orissa
Health Systems Development Project, the Second National AIDS Control Project, the Malaria
Control Project, and the Tuberculosis Control Project.
This excellent working paper looks at factual
evidence to describe the main challenges facing health care delivery
in developing countries, including absenteeism, corruption, informal
payments, and mismanagement. The author concludes that good governance
is important in ensuring effective health care delivery, and that
returns to investments in health are low where governance issues
are not addressed. The paper provides policy options for promoting
better governance.