Anti-Corruption Observatories
Is there any information about the experience with anti-corruption
observatories in different countries, and are such institutions
useful as anti-corruption instruments?
Purpose
My agency has in the past supported such an observatory and we
are now considering whether it is worthwhile to transfer this
showcase to other countries, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa.
U4 helpdesk reply
The term 'observatory' has been used in a number of contexts to
describe an entity formed to support anti-corruption efforts, generally
at national level. The nature of these entities has varied considerably
from country to country - from mainly civil-society led observatories,
to those established directly by government. A common element, however,
is that such observatories aim to strengthen anti-corruption efforts by
facilitating both information exchange and awareness-raising in
relation to corruption. Observatories also generally have at their core
an information or knowledge management system geared to provide support
to broader anti-corruption activities within a particular society.
Examples of anti-corruption observatories, as well as evaluations of
their effectiveness and transferability, are still relatively limited.
This reply focuses on a number of entities that broadly follow the observatory
model, though sometimes use a different name. A final section addresses
the feasibility of transfering the observatory model from one country
context to another.
Morocco's National Corruption Observatory was opened in Casablanca in
June 2001. The observatory was created by Transparency Morocco,
with financial support from USAID, in the framework of the country's network
of associations working against corruption. Its two main objectives were
to make information about corruption more freely available to the Moroccan
public and raise awareness about the problem among government officials,
but also among the public at large. This was to be done by establishing
a central depository for information about corruption, allowing
the systematic collection of data for further dissemination.
Establishment and Structure
The observatory was established by first forming an orientation committee
composed of the different associations involved in the country's fight
against corruption. This committee - whose task was to oversee the observatory's
development - then elected a three-person executive responsible for the
observatory's day-to-day management. Both the committee and the executive
were unpaid. An office staffed by one full-time person was then set-up
in order to collect and process corruption data. This person was later
joined by an information specialist and a number of trainees.
Activities
The main activity undertaken by the observatory was the collection and
dissemination of information about corruption and means to address it.
Around 400 pieces of information were captured and summarised each month,
primarily from media sources. This information was disseminated in a number
of ways, including via a monthly bulletin, via press conferences and via
an annual report. The observatory also established working relationships
with a variety of relevant actors, including the media, academics, public
officials, bar councils, financial control bodies and elected bodies engaged
in investigative work against corruption. Other activities included the
collection of books and articles in a library, as well as production of
a press review database.
Effectiveness
The observatory project created a watchdog body to monitor acts of corruption
covered by the media in Morocco. It was successful in terms of the amount
of information collected and the manner in which this information was
disseminated to the public. After one and a half years, however, the project
ended when its initial funding ceased. This meant that plans to extend
the role of the observatory in terms of monitoring corruption in the election
process and the establishment of a hotline for reporting corruption cases,
could not be realised. Despite this, TI-Morocco believes the project was
a very valuable awareness-raising exercise and, in addition, was helpful
in structuring and informing their work.
For further information, please contact Azeddine Akesbi of TI Morocco
via email at: azakesbi@menara.ma.
Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres (ALAC), Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia,
Romania
In 2004, Transparency International national chapters established Advocacy
and Legal Advice Centres (ALACs) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia
and Romania. The centres' primary aim is to provide legal advice to
victims of corruption to enable them to file and pursue complaints
with state authorities. More broadly, they aim to raise public awareness
about corruption, encourage citizen empowerment and support policy and
institutional reform against corruption. Though not called 'observatories',
the centres nonetheless exhibit a number of characteristics that are in
keeping with the observatory model.
Establishment and structure
The TI national chapters involved in the ALAC project initially undertook
to familiarise themselves with existing mechanisms for addressing public
complaints against corruption in their respective countries. This step
was followed by a preparatory workshop to share experiences on existing
models and to develop plans for implementation of the project. Partnerships
with a range of government counterparts were also established, providing
a basis upon which the ALACs could intervene in cases of corruption. Each
centre recruited a mixture of full time staff, contracted legal advisors/experts
and volunteers, located either on existing TI national chapter premises
or new, separate premises.
Each ALAC involves the following elements: a telephone hotline for reporting
corruption; a website, explaining the role and purpose of the ALAC and
providing practical information for pursuing corruption cases; a citizens'
guide to assist ordinary people in understanding and defining corruption;
a library of publications related to corruption for use by legal experts,
volunteers and ALAC clients; as well as a database of complaints received,
from which statistics can be drawn and trends identified.
Activities
The ALACs undertake three-tiers of activity when advising clients on how
to pursue corruption cases. Volunteers, usually law students or recent
law graduates, are tasked with the role of screening out cases that have
no apparent connection to corruption related issues. Many of the initial
contacts are not accepted for further investigation. ALAC legal experts
- usually trained lawyers, some of whom have prior experience in the offices
of the state prosecutor - then conduct face-to-face interviews with persons
whose complaints are deemed to have a high likelihood of legitimacy. Another
part of the overall caseload is dropped where preliminary interviews fail
to turn up adequate evidence of corruption or a strong suspicion of corruption.
In accepted cases, the citizen filing the complaint is given specific
advice on how to pursue the complaint, often with direct support from
the ALAC in the form of a covering letter or phone contact. ALAC staff
follow-up on such cases either by contacting the relevant authority at
the time of filing or by seeking clarification when there is no response
to the citizen's complaints.
Effectiveness
An external evaluation conducted in 2004 found that the centres were extremely
successful and a valuable contribution to the fight against corruption
at national level. In particular, they were seen to be providing a much
needed public service in an exceedingly cost-effective manner. They were
also found to be catalysing elements of civic activism, stimulating the
consolidation of an increasingly strong civil society. Finally, they were
seen to go beyond their original mandate of assisting citizens to make
official corruption complaints by serving as a forum for public awareness
about corruption and instigating the kind of legal and institutional
reforms that are key to corruption prevention.
For further information, please contact Ben Elers of the TI Secretariat
via email at: belers@transparency.org
Anti-Corruption Resource Centres (ACRCs), Eastern Europe and the Soviet
Union
In 2002, Transparency International national chapters launched Anti-Corruption
Resource Centres (ACRCs) in Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Kazakhstan, Lithuania,
Moldova, Slovakia, and Russia. The aim was to establish national knowledge
hubs to stimulate more effective anti-corruption action and improve the
coordination of NGO activities against corruption. Again, though not called
'observatories', these centres exhibit a number of characteristics that
are in keeping with the observatory model.
Establishment and structure
The ACRCs were established by the local Transparency International national
chapter of the countries in question, in cooperation with the Transparency
International Secretariat and with funding from the European Union. The
overall aim of this 30 month program was to help reduce corruption in
the countries of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. The ACRCs
are essentially knowledge management centres that provide information
to help improve understanding of corruption and the means to act against
it. They are intended to help make anti-corruption efforts better organised,
more coordinated and efficient - benefiting NGOs, the private sector,
media, policy makers as well as the general public.
Activities
The ACRCs are open to representatives of NGOs, students, researchers,
journalists, public officials and others engaged in researching corruption-related
issues. The main activities undertaken are as follows: participation in
an international information network; analysis of anti-corruption legislation
and anti-corruption activities in the international context; and the motivation
of different social groups to maintain an active interest in corruption/
anti-corruption issues.
The ACRCs provide the following services to their users: a library
and media archive; support to users of the library in terms of corruption
queries; internet provision for access to online anti-corruption resources;
an email request service and a copying service. All of these services
are provided free of charge.
Effectiveness
An independent evaluation of the project, conducted in 2004, concluded
that the ACRCs provided a unique repository of information on anti-corruption
at national level. Though regional cooperation between the individual
national centres was minimal, the centres nonetheless served as a key
means of public outreach within their respective countries. One
area where there has been some shortfall was in relation to private sector
involvement: private sector representatives generally did not seek ACRC
services in large numbers. NGOs and other civil society organisations
were among the main ACRC clients in most countries. Indeed, many of the
TI national chapters participating in the project made a conscious effort
to use the ACRCs as a means to help build a network of small-scale
civil society watchdogs that form the core of an anti-corruption movement
in their countries. Independent NGOs in some of these countries have confirmed
that the ACRCs were highly valued in efforts to influence anti-corruption
legislation.
As part of anti-corruption measures initiated in 2000-2001, the government
of Cameroon established a National Anti-Corruption Observatory to monitor
its anti-corruption programme. The focus of this 15 member body is to
raise awareness of corruption issues and investigate actual corruption
among government officials. By mandate, the National Anti-Corruption
Observatory also submits investigative reports to the competent government
authorities but does not have the power to sanction culprits of corruption.
Unlike the examples listed above, therefore, the role of Cameroon's national
observatory extends somewhat into the anti-corruption enforcement arena.
Under the leadership of the office of the Prime Minister, the national
observatory has been complemented by sectoral observatories in the
Finance, Education and Transport Ministries - involving public officials
as well as members of civil society. Information on the activities undertaken
by the national observatory and by the sectoral observatories is limited,
but it would appear that no knowledge management component has, as yet,
been established to support the national fight against corruption.
Effectiveness
It would appear that both the national and sectoral observatories in Cameroon
have met with limited success. This is, in part, due to a lack
of sufficient resources for meeting their respective mandates. The
National Anti-Corruption Observatory, for instance, received no financing
in 2004 as the Ministry of Finance and Budget refused to obligate the
funds allocated to it in the state budget. The observatories' apparent
lack of success may also lie, however, in their departure from the 'traditional'
observatory model. Rather than retaining a focus on awareness raising,
knowledge-sharing and networking, Cameroon's observatories have partially
entered the law-enforcement field, though without sufficient powers of
sanction. Investigations undertaken by the national observatory, for instance,
often result in individuals who have been convicted of wrongdoing having
to wait at least a year before receiving any sanction, if at all. Sanctions
are often delivered in the absence of publicity and may themselves be
inappropriate to the nature of the crime (e.g. administrative and not
disciplinary sanctions).
The experience of a number of observatory-like bodies in different country
contexts has generally been positive. By providing both a focus and resource
for the anti-corruption activities of a range of social stakeholders, such
observatories can help coalesce commitment for anti-corruption reform, potentially
also providing concrete recommendations to policy makers. The experience
of the ACRCs in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union - where levels
of corruption and transparency vary greatly - shows that the observatory
model can be useful in a range of contexts, including in repressive environments.
The key strengths of the observatory model appear to be their independence
and inclusiveness. Some of the most successful examples listed above,
though initiated by civil society, nonetheless extended beyond NGOs to
engage with public officials and other social actors. The least successful
example highlighted here, that of Cameroon's National Anti-Corruption
Observatory, is primarily a governmental body with limited independence
and a somewhat confused mandate.
Awareness-raising, knowledge sharing and networking are important
elements for any anti-corruption campaign. Anti-corruption observatories
can potentially make an important contribution to the fight against corruption
in these three particular areas. Their success, however, depends on a
range of complex factors, including a clear mandate, adequate funding,
formal and practical independence, and the presence of staff with specialised
anti-corruption expertise.