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Query

Government-led Efforts in Curbing Public Sector Corruption
(Malaysia, India and South Korea: Summarised Examples of Initiatives)
I would be grateful for a short synthesis of examples of good practice tackling corruption within the public sector in Malaysia, Korea and India. Examples at a national and sub-national level would be particularly useful.

Purpose
Making a presentation in Pakistan to senior civil servants. I would need this information by Wednesday 7 April. Please let me know if this is not feasible.

 

U4 helpdesk reply

We are pleased to provide you with synthesised examples of government-led initiatives and good practice aimed at curbing public sector corruption in requested three countries. The Helpdesk team will be happy to expand on any aspect of the query, given further time and interest from the enquirer.

Please note that, as requested, the information covers only national or sub-national examples. While the intergovernmental level has been left out of the scope of this reply, we would particularly like to draw your attention to at least one such initiative - the Anti-Corruption Action Plan for Asia and the Pacific. It is the main instrument of the ADB OECD Anti-Corruption Initiative for Asia-Pacific, which all of the three countries have formally endorsed and committed themselves to. To this extent, regular implementation reports by each country are being produced detailing government's anti-corruption actions (first cycle reports cover 2002-2003, while the second cycle will cover 2004-2005). Information on the initiative and the country reports can be found here.

The national and sub-national initiatives are summarised below:

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India

India has seen a few innovative initiatives aimed at curbing public sector corruption over the recent years - most of which have been driven by civil society however, and thus fall out of the scope of this particular reply. These have been largely focused on and aimed at increasing public sector accountability and transparency as well as improving public service delivery, including innovative social auditing methods to monitor the activities of local officials (the MKSS movement has been particularly active in the latter respect).

In terms of government-led initiatives, the following are noteworthy examples:

Review of "Conduct Rules" for members of Central and All India Services
The aim of the exercise, coordinated by the Administrative Vigilance Division of the Government of India in cooperation with other national bodies and expert input, has been to promote the development of a code of conduct in line with the existing international standards and good practices and it is being viewed as an ongoing effort with improvements being made to the Code to reduce the scope for official discretion and abuse while enhancing the simplicity and transparency of the rules.

Central Vigilance Commission's role

Of particular interest is its particular active stand in terms of bridging a dialogue with the civil society.

Apart from its other core functions the commission has been active in encouraging public participation, public education on corruption and citizen's rights. It has published guidebooks for anti-corruption practitioners and conducted campaigns promoting public reporting on and monitoring of civil servants' actions.

E-government and computerization of registration and records
(Such as the land records in Karnataka summarised below; other successful examples include property registration in Andhra Pradesh and inter-state border road checks in Gujarat)

 

Computerization of land records, Karnataka

The Department of Revenue in Karnataka has computerized 20 million records of land ownership of 6.7 million farmers in the state. The Bhoomi (land) project has reduced the discretion of public officials by introducing provisions for recording a mutation request online. Farmers can now access the database and are empowered to follow up.

Note: In the past, under the manual system, land records were maintained by 9,000 Village Accountants, each serving a cluster of 3-4 villages. Farmers had to seek out the Village Accountant to get a copy of the Record of Rights, Tenancy and Crops (RTC) -- a document needed for many tasks such as obtaining bank loans. Village Accountants were not easily accessible, as their duties entailed travelling. The time taken by Village Accountants to provide RTCs ranged from 3 to 30 days depending upon the importance of the record for the farmer and the size of the bribe. A typical bribe for a certificate could range from Rs.100 ( $1= Rs 50) to Rs.2000. If some details were to be deliberately written in an ambiguous fashion, the bribe could go up to Rs.10,000. Land records in the custody of Village Accountants were not open for public scrutiny.

Mutation requests to alter land records (upon sale or inheritance of a land parcel) had to be filed with the Village Accountant. The Village Accountant was required to issue notices to the interested parties and also paste the notice at the village office. Often neither of these actions was carried out, and no record of the notices was maintained. If no objections were received within a required 30-day period, an update to the land records was to be carried out by a Revenue Inspector, In practice, however, it could take 1-2 years for the records to be updated.

In the Bhoomi project, a printed copy of the RTC can be obtained online by providing the name of the owner or plot number at computerized land record kiosks in 180 taluk offices, for a fee of Rs.15. A second computer screen faces the clients to enable them to see the transaction being performed. A farmer can check the status of a mutation application on a Touch Screen provided on a pilot basis in three of the computerized kiosks. Operators of the computerized system are made accountable for their decisions and actions by using a bio-login system that authenticates every log-in through a thumb print. A log is maintained of all transactions in a session.

Implementation of land record computerization has been difficult in India. Bhoomi succeeded because there was a champion in the departmental head, devoting time and dedication to the project. Minimizing resistance from staff by harnessing political support was an important contributory factor. Extensive training coupled with a participatory style also helped to diminish resistance.

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Malaysia

Malaysia has seen its anti-corruption drive mounting since Prime Minister Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Batawi took office in October 2003. While the reforms have a long way to go, some positive trends have been established and can potentially lead to more sustainable reform efforts and good practice. Combination of the political will and the enormous public support that the PM has unleashed for his fight against corruption is encouraging. Sceptics have however noted that more is expected in PM's own camp - i.e. the cabinet and the heart of government. Some of the recent reform proposals and developments include:

Setting up of a National Institute of Public Ethics
The body is a promising step towards sustainable efforts in maintaining public sector ethics through combination of research, education and monitoring. Sufficient independence of the agency should be guaranteed for it to be most effective.

Appointment of a Royal Commission to look into corruption (in police services)
This recently established Royal commission includes members from civil society and is due to produce a report of its findings by August 2004. Its operation will bear lessons as to whether the model of such a commission can be adopted and used as good practice to inquire into the work and activities of other public agencies and sectors.

Setting up of an Anti-Corruption Academy
Malaysian government has also approved an allocation of RM17 million to set up an anti-corruption academy, which Abdullah hopes will also attract countries from the region - "offering the academy as a regional centre for anti-corruption capacity building, promoting best practices in investigations, monitoring and enforcement and in newer areas, such as forensic accounting and engineering".

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South Korea

South Korea has, since 1999, been engaged in a concerted anti-corruption effort, which has produced many examples of what could be referred to as good practice. Summarised below are three examples, of which two (KICAC's operation and adoption of a Code of Conduct) are implemented on the national, and one (OPEN) on the municipal level.

 

Example 1: Establishment and Operation of the KICAC

The Korea Independent Commission Against Corruption (KICAC) was created under Chapter 2 of the 2001 Anti-Corruption Act and became operational in January 2002.

It seeks to improve the legal framework for anticorruption, formulate and enforce anti-corruption laws and policies, and respond to reports of whistleblowing. Since its inception, the KICAC has launched a number of international initiatives, in particular in the Asia-Pacific region, in order to strengthen intergovernmental co-operation and dialogue on anti-corruption issues. On the national level, its focus on the establishment of a whistleblower promotion and protection scheme are noteworthy, where the establishment of clear guidelines helped to successfully implement a concept that was traditionally viewed with contempt by Korean society (KICAC has received a reported 58 cases of whistle-blowing since 2002, a figure which is in stark contrast to only 13 cases during the period 1990-1999).

 

Example 2: Code of Conduct for Maintaining the Integrity of Public Officials

This code, enacted by Presidential Decree in February 2003, specifies the standards of conduct to be observed by both state and local public officials. It covers areas related to the prevention of conflict of interest, the prohibition to use public office for private purposes, and the obligation of neutrality and impartiality. It also regulates the legitimate acceptance of gifts from persons related to public duties and other unfair advantages, which is of particular importance in a context in which the presentation of gifts forms an integral part of the national culture.

Reports suggest that, since the code came into force, the number of duty-related offerings of gifts and hospitality have reduced substantially.

 

Example 3: Establishment and Operation of "OPEN"

The OPEN (Online Procedures ENhancement for Civil Applications) system, an internet portal launched by the Seoul Municipal Government in 1999 to increase the transparency and accessibility of administrative procedures to the public and thereby reduce corruption, publishes a variety of information related to the services, permits and licenses issued by the local government.

The system has been very successful in accomplishing the aims it set out to achieve. Results from a survey of 1,245 citizens conducted in 2000, 13 months after the launch of the system, showed that 84.3% (984 out of 1,167 persons) believed that OPEN led to greater transparency, and OPEN has been promoted worldwide by international organisations such as the World Bank, the UN and Transparency International as an effective means to improving transparency and reducing corruption in the public administration.

 

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