It would be excellent if you could: 1. Give me an overview of estimated figures and scale
of corruption and;
2. its impact on poor people in Africa as a whole, and;
3. then give specifics for African particular countries with
examples of good practice and what has worked well to tackle
corruption in a particular context.
There is some urgency to this request.
U4 helpdesk reply
The query has been sub-divided into three parts. The responses to
the first two parts (estimated scale of corruption in Africa and its
impact on the poor in the region) are to be found in the respective
sections below. As to the third part of the query, related to specifics
for African particular countries, the Helpdesk team would be happy
to provide you with an answer, but would appreciate it if you could
narrow down your query (perhaps focusing on a particular sub-region
or listing some particular countries you are interested in), so that
a more targeted response can be produced.
Content
Part 1:
Estimated Figures and Scale of Corruption in Africa
Part 2: Estimates of the
cost of corruption to Africa
Part 1
Estimated Figures and Scale of Corruption in Africa
Corruption is a secretive transaction by definition and as such is
difficult if not impossible to measure in a reliable fashion. What
is more, definitions of corruption may vary, as do perceptions of
what constitutes corruption in any given context. Several attempts
have, however, been made at quantifying this phenomenon to increase
awareness of the cost of corruption and of the degree to which it
is prevalent in any given context or agency.
The most commonly employed mechanisms for creating quantitative data
on corruption are surveys and econometric analysis, or estimates based
thereon.
1. Surveys (estimating the scale of corruption in Africa)
Those surveys frequently used in the context of corruption are household
surveys and surveys of different parts of the community, such as businessmen
and public officials. They usually aim at drawing attention to the
existence and scale of corruption in an institution, or indeed a state.
Examples of surveys of the cost and extent of corruption in Africa
or African states include:
1.1. Regional Surveys
The World
Bank Governance Indicators 1996-2002 consider the perception
of corruption under the heading "control of corruption".
Of those African countries included in the survey, only Botswana
is positioned in the "best quartile", which indicates
that a mere 25% of all 190 countries rate the same or better. By
contrast, 27 countries score between 25 and 75%, and 23 countries
achieve a percentile rank of below 25 (with Congo, Equatorial Guinea
and Nigeria scoring below 5), which indicates that 75% of all 190
countries are perceived to be less corrupt.
Transparency
International's 2003 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) is a
league table of nations that are ranked according to their perceived
level of corruption. As indicated by its title, the CPI measures
the perception, not necessarily the reality of corruption in a country.
These perceptions reflect the confidence investors and investment
rating agencies have in a country.
The CPI is a composite index, that is, an index made up of a number
of independent surveys. For a country to be included in the CPI,
a minimum of three surveys must be available.
[For more information on the CPI, previous indices and a background
paper on methodology, please refer to web
site.]
The 2003
index places the majority of African countries in the bottom
half of the 133 countries included in the index. Indeed, on a scale
ranging from one (high levels of corruption) to ten (low levels
of corruption), only Botswana scores more than five points (5.7),
followed by Tunisia (4.9) and Namibia (4.7). Bottom of the list
come Kenya (1.9), Angola and Cameroon (1.8), and Nigeria (1.4).
The Southern
African Democracy Barometer finds that "perceptions of
official corruption are fairly extensive across the region [Southern
Africa - Botswana, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Malawi, Lesotho, Namibia]"
and concludes that even though these perceptions may not be accurate,
they nevertheless constitute an important political challenge. The
results of its survey show that over half of all Zimbabweans considered
"all/almost all or most" officials to be corrupt (with
an average score of 3.2 on a scale from 1 to 4, where 4 reflects
the belief that all officials are corrupt), while almost half of
the Zambians questioned ranked the corruption of their officials
at 2.9 out of 4 points. Even Namibian citizens, whose view of the
level of corruptness of their officials was the most positive of
all countries queried, scored an average 2.2 on a scale of 4.
Transparency
International's Global Corruption Barometer 2002, a survey of
attitudes, expectations and priorities on corruption in over 40
countries, covered three African countries, namely Cameroon, Nigeria
and South Africa. Asked how they believed corruption affected their
personal and family life, 57.4% of South Africans, 50.6% of Nigerians
and 47.5 % of Cameroonians considered it to be very significant.
70.8% of Cameroonians, 68.1% of South Africans and 60.3% of Nigerians
perceived corruption to affect the business environment very significantly,
and 71.2% of Cameroonians, 65.8% of Nigerians and 65.4% of South
Africans considered this to be true also for political life. 39.4%
of Cameroonians expected corruption to increase a lot over the next
three years, as did 36.1% of South Africans and 27.1% of Nigerians.
Asked which institution they would choose for eliminating corruption,
31% of Cameroonians opted for the courts, and 32.1% of Nigerians
and 23.8% of South Africans for the Police.
1.2. National Surveys
Ghana:The
Centre for Democracy and Development's 2000 Governance and Corruption
Survey shows that approximately 75% of households see corruption
as a serious problem in Ghana, with a majority (66%) paying 10%
of their incomes (within the c 1-5 million income bracket) in bribes
to public officials. 44% of firms admit to making unofficial payments
to public officials, with 27% frequently or always making such payments.
Kenya:Transparency
International-Kenya's Urban Bribery Index of 2001 presents preliminary
analysis of a study by TI-Kenya on the magnitude of bribery in Kenya.
Based on a survey in which ordinary Kenyans report their daily encounters
with corruption - who they bribe, for how much and for what, the
study goes beyond perceptions of corruption to provide benchmarks
of integrity based on the actual incidence of corruption. It was
conducted in March & April 2001 in Nairobi, Mombasa, Kisumu,
Eldoret, Nyeri and Machakos and responded to by 1164 individuals.
According to the survey, 67% of the respondents' interaction with
public institutions involved bribes or negative consequences if
the bribe payment was declined. It was estimated that "the
average urban Kenyan pays 16 bribes to both public and private institutions
in a month. Public servants [ receive] by far the most bribes,
accounting for 99% of the bribery transactions, and 97% of the value".
This amounts to a cost of just under Ksh 8,000 a month per respondent
(compared to an average income of Ksh. 26,000 per month per respondent).
Madagascar: Transparency International's Chapter in Madagascar
conducted a survey in 2001 in order to identify the nature, scope
and frequency of corruption on the basis of perceptions and experiences
shared by the business community in the provinces of Antananarivo,
Tamatave and Toliary. The results showed that among others 75% of
businesses "always" experienced corruption in the public
works sector and in courts, while 30% of the informal sector claimed
to always experience corruption in their interaction with public
services. Depending on the public agency and the economic status
of the firm, bribe payments worth up to 100 million Fmg were made
by the formal sector, and 5 million Fmg by the informal sector.
Customs and traffic police were perceived to be very corrupt by
over 90% of formal businesses, and 93% of informal sector respondents
perceived the traffic police to be very corrupt as well, followed
by those civil servants in charge of registrations and licenses
(86%).
Morocco: Transparency Maroc's Enquête Nationale
d'Integrité, a national integrity survey conducted among
private sector representatives in 2001, shows that in the area of
procurement, 22% of respondents believe corruption to be an integral
part of the process, while 37% think it is often required. Those
indicating a knowledge of corruption in procurement claim that 33%
of the corrupt payments made to obtain public contracts are in excess
of 10% of the contract's value. The traffic police was perceived
to be corrupt by 62% of the respondents, followed by customs officials
at 44%, while 42% perceive corruption in politics as occurring always,
and 38% as often. However, the survey also showed that firms were
less likely to actually bribe (or to admit to bribery) than these
figures suggest.
South Africa: The Country
Corruption Assessment Report 2003 intends to give a comprehensive
picture of the nature and extent of corruption in South Africa.
To this end, three surveys on perceptions and experiences of corruption
were conducted among households, businesses and the public services
and its clients. The results showed 80% of South Africans perceiving
corruption to be prevalent, with 41% considering it one of the most
important problems to be addressed. 62% of respondents from the
private sector perceived corruption to be a serious problem, and
public service clients believed between15-30% of public officials
to be corrupt. Some public service managers held the view that up
to 75% of their own staff were corrupt. These negative views of
the scale of corruption were however not matched by the (substantially
lower) amount of South Africans actually experiencing corruption.
Tanzania:CIETinternational's
Service Delivery Survey of 1996 points to a general perception
of corruption in the four services - the police, the judiciary,
revenue and lands services - included in the survey. The results
from the household survey indicated that 60% of respondents thought
there was "very much" corruption in their respective district,
with 39% reporting corruption in revenue services, 35% in the police,
32% in the judiciary and 25% in land services. A questionnaire distributed
among service workers showed that 57% of respondents thought there
was "very much" corruption in public services in Tanzania.
Uganda:Uganda
Enterprise Survey 1999 was conducted by the World Bank and the
Ugandan Private Sector Foundation among firms to collect data on
constraints facing private enterprises in Uganda. Of the 176 firms
answering the questions related to corruption, 81% reported to have
been involved in bribe-paying. They reported spending an average
of 7.9% of their total costs in corrupt payments, compared to 6.3%
for fuel and 6.8% for interest. Of the 167 firms supplying data
on both bribe payments and taxes, 70% reported higher bribe payments
than corporate income taxes. Those firms not paying bribes operated
in sectors with little or no contact with the public sector.
Even though methodology and types of respondents vary, these surveys
clearly indicate that corruption is perceived to be widespread, both
at the national and at the regional level.
Estimates of the cost of corruption in monetary terms - or percentages
thereof - are useful to illustrate the seriousness of the case, but
should be handled with care, since corruption - as mentioned before
- cannot be measured with certainty. Furthermore, the cost of corruption
comprises not just of the sums of money lost but also of retarded
development and increased inequalities - which are far less easy to
quantify.
National Economy: A report by the African Union, presented
before a meeting in Addis Ababa in September 2002, estimates that
corruption costs African economies in excess of 148bn dollars a year.
This figure, which includes both direct and indirect costs of corruption,
i.e. resources diverted by corrupt acts and resources withheld or
deterred due to the existence of corruption, is thought to represent
25% of Africa's GDP and to increase the cost of goods by as much as
20%. [BBC News, 18/09/02; The Economist, 19/09/02]
Aid effectiveness: In 1996, it was estimated that up to 30bn
dollars in aid for Africa ended up in foreign bank accounts, an amount
equal to twice the annual GDP of Ghana, Kenya and Uganda [from
Michelle Celarier, 1996: The Cost of Corruption. In: Euromoney, September
1996: 49.]
See also this
article on the Asian Development Bank web site.
Revenue collection: Research findings by the African Development
Bank indicate that corruption leads to a loss of approximately 50%
of tax revenue, which in some instances is a greater amount than a
country's total foreign debt. [Gabriel Negatu,
African Development Bank (by email)]
Household expenditure: The African Development Bank estimates
that lower income households spend an average 2-3% of their income
on bribes, while rich households spend an average of 0.9% of their
income.
These figures and results illustrate that corruption in Africa is
perceived to be both widespread and costly, by diverting assets away
from their intended use. While this result does probably not come
as a surprise, it may be worth pointing out that although some African
countries are perceived to be extremely corrupt, others, such as Botswana,
Tunisia, South Africa, Mauritius and Namibia do not fare badly in
international comparisons.