Increasingly, anti-corruption agencies (ACAs), such as independent
anti-corruption commissions, prevention of corruption bureaus and
standing inquiry commissions are used as institutional pillars for
combating corruption. Often, though not always, initiated in response
to a particular case or scandal and benefiting from a culmination
of public attention driven political will a number of these agencies
transform into permanent independent anti-corruption bodies.
There can also be instances, however, when the same "political
will" may reversibly hit back trying to diminish and deligitimize
the powers of the agency, often when political executives themselves
become targeted by the agency.
Structure
Anti-corruption agencies vary in their structure, functions and powers.
While most countries establish stand-alone agencies (with the most
common model being the independent anti-corruption commissions, along
with 'bureaus', 'directorates', 'authorities', etc.) with a sole function
of countering corruption, there are others that choose to combine
anti-corruption commissions with other oversight bodies - often the
ombudsman, such as, for example, Uganda and Papua New Guinea.
There are also models based on standing public inquiry bodies, such
as Queensland Australia's Criminal Justice Commission, which has investigative
jurisdiction over the police, public sector employees, state and local
politicians.
Functions
Prevention. Prevention is an essential, if only sometimes overlooked,
function of an anti-corruption agency. Most of the ACAs have corruption
prevention departments that provide advice on systemic and organisational
strategies for preventing corruption (such as for example Australia
NSW). In addition, education and training prove to be of immense
value (the all too-often cited Hong-Kong ICAC being a good example
indeed) with activities ranging from specialised anti-corruption
workshops to advisory and guidance functions.
Investigation. Independent investigative capacity is a function
shared by most of the ACAs and indeed an essential one for ensuring
the credibility of agency's decisions and judgments.
Research. In addition to prevention and investigation, certain
agencies undertake a broader role to conduct research and monitor
and promote reform in the public service and/or the criminal justice
system generally.
Prerequisites for success
It goes without saying that by far not all ACAs prove to succeed
in their task. Among the complex prerequisites for maintaining ACAs'
success levels are:
Existence of and compliance with a tailor-made national strategy
Government commitment and political will
Concerted action with all other stakeholders
Adequate laws with inclusive offence definitions and enforcement
provisions
Impartiality and independence from political influences
Transparency and effective accountability mechanisms
De Speville, Bertrand (04/2000): Why Do Anti-Corruption Agencies Fail?
UN Global Program Against Corruption (GPAC), UNCICP, Implementation
Tools, the Development of an Anti-corruption Tool Kit: Inputs for
a United Nations Expert Group Meeting (not officially edited), Vienna,
UN
Doig, Alan, (04/2000): Getting the Boring Bits Right First: Capacity
Building for Anti-Corruption Agencies (ACA), UN Global Program Against
Corruption (GPAC), UNCICP, Implementation Tools, the Development of
an Anti-corruption Tool Kit: Inputs for a United Nations Expert Group
Meeting (not officially edited), Vienna, UN
Pope, Jeremy, (2000): TI Source Book 2000. Confronting Corruption:
The Elements of a National Integrity System, Chapter
11 - Independent Anti-corruption Agencies, Berlin, Transparency
International
Independent Supreme Audit Institutions producing professional and
timely reports foster financial transparency and accountability in
government actions. As such, they are a crucial national instrument
for curbing corruption.
The institution of the Auditor General or National Audit Office exists
in most countries. It is an independent expert institution designed
to oversee the financial management of government bodies and thus
help parliament fulfil its oversight function.
Supreme Audit Institutions can undertake four different kinds of
audits:
Financial audits, which assess the accuracy and fairness of accounting
procedures and financial statements.
Compliance audits, which scrutinise whether funds have been used
for approved purposes. Here, auditors examine, whether funds were
authorised by the correct institutions and whether all laws and
regulations were complied with.
Performance audits (also known as "value for money"
audits), which analyse the operational efficiency and general effectiveness
of government programmes.
Ethical audits, which assess the ethical environment of an institution
with the goal of identifying high-risk areas, are a recent trend
introduced by Auditor Generals among others in the UK and Canada.
While Supreme Audit Institutions are not primarily designed as anti-corruption
organs, they can play a central role in preventing and detecting corruption:
By auditing the accounts, procedures and sometimes effectiveness
of government programmes, SAIs can detect fraud and abuse. While
actual discoveries of corruption are comparatively rare, the deterrent
effect of audits should not be underestimated.
SAIs can have specific anti-corruption programmes, including definitions
of risk-areas, the establishment of task-forces and the implementation
of special audits. (Examples: NIK
Poland, NKU Czech Republic.
Credible audits create public trust in the accuracy of government
actions. Thereby, they increase the legitimacy of government and
strengthen the institutional framework of a country.
SAIs work to improve financial management systems and internal
controls. Their reports can trigger reforms, which increase the
transparency and accountability of government operations.
SAIs publish reports about government operations, which are understandable
for non-experts. Thereby, they increase transparency.
Prerequisites for success include:
Institutional, personal, financial and operational independence
of the SAI is an indispensable prerequisite for objective auditing
and public trust in the institution. Independence should be constitutionally
guaranteed and the appointment procedure should provide Auditor
Generals with a strong and independent standing.
SAIs usually publish reports (only in some systems enforceable
judgements). There is a high risk that these reports "land
in the drawer". The timely publication of the reports, as well
as the design and implementation of effective follow-up measures
are therefore crucial.
The SAI's mandate should be clearly defined by law, the scope
of audits should be broad (i.e. go beyond pure financial auditing)
and the SAI's access to all information guaranteed.
The SAI should be able to determine which institutions to audit
and how to audit them.
When SAIs discover corruption or fraud and have no judiciary powers
of their own, they should be able to request investigation by law-enforcement
agencies.
Pope, Jeremy, (2000): TI Source Book 2000. Confronting Corruption:
The Elements of a National Integrity System, Chapter
9 - The Auditor General, Berlin, Transparency International
While dedicating the function of countering corruption to an already
established public oversight body may have certain advantages, there
is a risk of it getting somewhat marginalised in the already stretched
specialised portfolios of those bodies. The Office of the Ombudsman
(and/or sometimes Government's Inspector General) is among the institutions
most typically chosen for this purpose.
Among the approaches most commonly used by the Governments are:
Dedicating the Ombudsman's Office as the main and/or sole anti-corruption
agency
Combining anti-corruption commissions with the Ombudsman (for
an example refer to Uganda; in Australia's New South Wales, a proposal
was put forward to appoint the Ombudsman to also head the Independent
Commission Against Corruption, but it was not implemented)
Or, simply leaving the Ombudsman to deal with anti-corruption
when it crosscuts through areas of its core functions (for example,
given the causal and reciprocal relationship between corruption
and such typically core Ombudsman functions as mal-administration,
corruption would need to be addressed for the Ombudsman to have
any comprehensive impact).
While it is difficult to single out a particular approach as a success
model to follow, since the suitability of approaches would vary depending
on country's overall legal and administrative system in place, it
is possible, based on experiences and practices, to draw an outline
of an Ombudsman's possible role in countering corruption.
Possible Functions
Inspection: as traditional means for obtaining impartial and
independent investigation of complaints against government agencies
and their employees, the potential role of Ombudsmen in investigating,
particularly through informal procedures, of certain calibre of
corruption related complaints and providing often more tailored
remedies than available through legal proceedings and other mechanisms
should by no means be underestimated.
Ethics and standard setting: another mainstream Ombudsman role
that could be of immense value in countering corruption is that
of educating public officials in appropriate standards of conduct,
where necessary adjusting and monitoring the implementation of codes
of ethics and conflict of interest and other similar public service
standards.
Whistleblowing: resident Ombudsmen in public agencies and institutions
(reporting back to the Office of the Ombudsman) can be designed
to provide through their direct and immediate presence a deterrence
to corruption by acting as whistleblowers along with conducting
fact-finding investigations of allegations of corruption (practised
by the Philippines).
Whistleblower protection: ensuring that adequate whistleblower
protection mechanisms are in place and are enforced.
Possible Setbacks
As the Ombudsman process is usually complaints-driven, it can limit
the agency's competitiveness in tackling corruption in broader sense
and in generating research or policy-related information. Some ombudsmen
do, however, compile reports analysing their caseloads or have powers
to make general recommendations to governments where complaint patterns
suggest that there are some deeper institutional, structural or similar
problems.
Prerequisites for success include:
Independence and impartiality
The commitment and leadership of the Ombudsman
Adequate resources and capability
Effective cooperation and institutional links with other anti-corruption
actors
Pope, Jeremy, (2000): TI Source Book 2000. Confronting Corruption:
The Elements of a National Integrity System, Chapter
10 - Ombudsman, Berlin, Transparency International
A Public Accounts Committee (PAC) is that group of parliamentarians
charged with exercising parliament's oversight function over public
expenditures and revenues. Through investigations, public hearings
and the debate of audit reports, PACs hold government bodies accountable
and make public finances more transparent. As such, the PAC is parliament's
single most relevant institution for curbing corruption. In some countries,
PACs have become the driving force behind anti-corruption reforms.
PACs exist in systems that follow the Westminster parliamentary model
(in other systems, such as the Napoleonic model, Supreme Audit Institutions
report directly to parliament or pass directly enforceable judgements).
Composed of parliamentarians, their mandate usually covers the examination
of public receipts, expenditures and assets. Parliament usually refers
all reports issued by the Supreme Audit Institution [link FAQ 11]
to the PAC, the committee then conducts public hearings including
the Auditor General, the financial heads of the institutions under
investigation and other witnesses and reports its conclusions and
recommendations to parliament. Often, PACs can also examine questions
independently, review relevant draft legislation or ask the Supreme
Audit Institution to perform specific audits.
PACs perform the following functions relevant to the fight against
corruption:
PACs design the recommendations for actions following up on audit
and investigation reports and present them to parliament. Credible
and effective follow-up activities after the discovery of inefficiencies
or fraud are indispensable for actual reforms of the system and
for the credibility of the parliamentary system of control.
PACs provide control and scrutiny over the actions of the Supreme
Audit Institution. By conducting public hearings to verify the reports,
in which witnesses from all stakeholder groups are called, the system
of auditing itself becomes more transparent and the objectivity
and thus legitimacy of the reports is increased.
Finally, PACs play an important role by publicising the results
of audits and inquiries. Ensuring public debate about audit reports
not only reinforces the institutional framework, but also creates
the public pressure to follow up on these reports.
Prerequisites for success include:
Prompt action. The credibility and effectiveness of the auditing
system depends on the fast reaction of PACs to audit reports and on
the timely implementation of the recommendations.
Non-partisan and de-politicised operations. The opposition should
be strongly represented in PACS and ideally hold the chair of the
committee.
Independent action. PACs should be in a position to initiate investigations
and audits, not just to receive reports from the Auditor General.
Openness. PAC sessions should be open to the public and the media
to encourage debate and generate public pressure for follow-up actions.
Good relations to the media can be essential for the effectiveness
of PACs
Access to information should be unlimited and it should be possible
to call on all officials for questioning.
Formal mandates for PACs should include the investigation of all
government agencies and corporations.
A key component of a National Integrity System, the Legislature has
a prime and comprehensive role in curbing corruption, ranging from
building political will and adopting the necessary legislation to
promoting public debate and holding the government accountable for
its actions. In order to implement these crucial functions, the legislature
itself must uphold highest standards of integrity.
Legislature's oversight of the Executive
There are various ways in which the Legislature (Parliament) can exercise
its oversight role, including:
Ongoing oversight such as regular questioning of Ministers in
Parliament and tabling motions for debate drawing out explanations
for actions.
Parliamentary committees can develop specialist skills and insights
in particular areas of administration. Among the prominent Parliamentary
oversight mechanisms are the public accounts committees [link FAQ
13] and the finance committees - ensuring that the budgets are presented,
debated, adequately disclosed and accounted for. There are also
different new national approaches. A number of African Parliaments
have "Committees of Assurances" to hold ministers accountable
for statements and promises they have made to the parliament. Such
committees can be useful in exposing incidents of corruption.
In addition, there are various watchdog agencies that can be accountable
to the Parliament. The Auditor-General [link FAQ 11] is pre-eminent,
but other anti-corruption agencies [link FAQs 9,10] may be subject
to parliamentary rather than executive accountability as a means
of ensuring greater independence and impartiality.
The basic foundations for anti-corruption reforms should be laid
by Parliament through:
Building political will and government commitment to anti-corruption
reform
Stimulating and promoting informed public debate
Adopting adequate anti-corruption legislation, including the legislative
framework for strengthening the key institutions in the fight against
corruption
Prerequisites for ensuring Parliament's own integrity and fitness
to undertake the reforms include:
Democratically elected Parliament, free from undue influences
and dependence
Parliamentary ethics, codes of conduct and conflict of interest
regulations (including public disclosure provisions), accompanied
by effective enforcement, monitoring and disciplinary mechanisms
Transparency and accountability in practices and procedures
Effective mechanisms for citizen participation in legislative
processes and public debate
Miller, Robert and Stapenhurst, Rick, (1998-2000): Parliaments:
Tools and Tasks for Controlling Corruption, Chapter from "Controlling
Corruption: A Parliamentarian's Handbook", output of 1998-2000
Laurentian seminars organised by the Parliamentary Centre (Canada)
and the World Bank Institute
Detection, investigation and successful prosecution lie at the heart
of a successful system for containing corruption. However, surveys
in most countries around the world rate the police as the most corrupt
arm of government. Often underpaid, usually under-trained, almost
invariable under-equipped, the police and investigators are very much
a part of the problem as well as being part of the solution. Working
on the street in close proximity to organised crime, and exercising
considerable discretion, ordinary policemen and women are especially
vulnerable.
Road traffic police are a particular problem, as in many countries
vehicles are not road-worthy so that drivers who refuse to pay bribes
can be fined heavily for breaches of the law. However, in Pakistan
the formation of a special Road Police United, with good pay and reasonable
working hours, has dramatically reduced complaints from motorists.
INTERPOL, the world police organisation, is launching an initiative
designed to raise police standards worldwide, as corruption in police
is by no means confined to the developing world and countries in transition.
Cities such as New York and London have experienced major scandals,
and an Australian police chief has been jailed for corruption. In
all three countries it has been realised that corruption has to be
fought continuously, not just blitzed when major scandals show. Specialised
groups have to be developed to deal with corruption both inside and
outside the police, but they, too, can become infected with the virus.
"Integrity tests" have been found to be particularly effective
in countering corruption in police forces. A wallet full of money
may be handed in to a police station and then its contents monitored.
Specific police may be informed of a drugs stash, which is then covered
by hidden video monitors to see if the drugs are stolen. Bribes are
offered to see if they are reported. Random testing in New York and
London is believed to have reduced corruption radically, as a policeman
usually does not know if an offer is a genuine bribe or a staged integrity
test, and so tends to report it.
An independent, impartial and informed judiciary, both efficient
and timely in its dispensation of justice, holds a central place in
the realisation of a just, honest, open and accountable government.
The principle of judicial independence is asserted internationally
in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and in the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. However, the Bribe Payers
Index (2002) disclosed that corruption in the judicial process is
the greatest concern of the private sector interests polled.
Judicial independence is secured constitutionally, through safeguards
concerning appointments, removals, protection of salaries and benefits.
It is further protected by practices of openness, such as sitting
in public, giving reasons for decisions and, for the most part, subject
to appeal to higher courts. However, individual members of the judiciary
must be both appointed and held directly accountable in ways that
do not compromise the institution's independence. Therefore disciplinary
tribunals should have a majority from the judiciary but be rendered
more legitimate by the inclusion of non-lawyers, but never politicians.
Such accountability strengthens the institution's independence: it
increases integrity and helps to protect the judicial power from those
who might want to erode it. Otherwise a judiciary can become simply
a tool in the hands of a powerful - and corrupt - elite. On the other
hand, most successful anti-corruption drives have relied on a capable
and independent judiciary dedicated and equipped to uphold the Rule
of Law. This includes access to up-to-date case law.
Judicial integrity is best built and sustained by the judiciary itself,
through clear, well-publicised and enforced codes of conduct and role
modelling high personal standards. Leadership has to be asserted from
the top, and instances of judicial malpractice disciplined. Courts
should be inspected and judgments examined for their consistency.
Court staff should be properly supervised and complaints mechanisms
established for the public. Adequate personal security, adequate facilities,
appropriate salaries and status are also important. Subjecting the
lower judiciary in particular to examinations has proved a success
in weeding out incompetent judges in the former Soviet Union.
"Investigative judges" are found within the Napoleonic
tradition, as a blend of investigators with some judicial powers.
Resources
Kirby, Michael: A Global Approach to Judicial Independence and Integrity
University of Queensland Law Journal
Hammergren, Linn: Diagnosing Judicial Performance: Toward a Tool to
Help Guide Judicial Reform Programs
Cumaraswarmy, Dato' Param: Some Thoughts on Judicial Code of Conduct
and Mechanisms for Disciplining Judges
Report of the Advisory Panel of Eminent Commonwealth Judicial Experts,
Kenya, May 17 2002
Buscaglia, Edgardo: An Economic and Jurimetric Analysis of Official
Corruption in the Courts: A Governance-Based Approach.
A Global Programme Against Corruption, Research and Scientific Series,
Ref: GPAC-RSS-2-2001. Also published as a full draft in the International
Review of Law and Economics (2001), Elsevier Science Press
Basic Principles on the Independence of the Judiciary, 7th UN Congress
on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, Milan,
Italy, 08/26-09/06/1985
Procedures for the Effective Implementation of the Basic Principles
on the Independence of the Judiciary, 7th UN Congress on the Prevention
of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, Milan, Italy, 08/26-09/06/
1985
Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers, 8th UN Congress on the Prevention
of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, Havana, Cuba, 08/27-09/07/1990
Guidelines on the Role of Prosecutors, 8th UN Congress on the Prevention
of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, Havana, Cuba, 08/27-09/07/1990
Draft Body of Principles on the Right to a Fair Trial and a Remedy,
Annex II, in The Administration of Justice and the Human Rights of
Detainees, The Right to a Fair Trial: Current Recognition and Measures
Necessary for its Strengthening, Final Report, Commission of Human
Rights, Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection
of Minorities, 46th Session, E/CN.a/Sub.2/1994/24, June 1994
Universal Charter of the Judge, General Council of the International
Association of Judges, Taipei, Taiwan, 11/17/1999
III. Regional Conventions
AFRICA
African Charter on Human and People's Rights, 06/27/1981, OAU Doc.
CAB/LEG/67/3 rev. 5, 21 I.L.M. 58 (1982), entered into force on October
21, 1986
AMERICAS
American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man, 1948, OAS res.
XXX, Ninth International Conference of American States, reprinted
in Basic Documents Pertaining to Human Rights in the Inter- American
System, OEA/Ser.L.V/II.82 doc.6 rev.1 at 17 (1992)
American Convention on Human Rights, 11/22/1969, OAS Treaty Series
No.36, 1144 U.N.T.S. 123, reprinted in Basic Documents Pertaining
to Human Rights in the Inter-American System, OEA/Ser.L.V/ II.82 doc.6
rev.1 at 25 (1992), entered into force on July 18, 1978
EUROPE
European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental
Freedoms, 11/04/1950, Council of Europe, European Treaty Series no.
5
IV. Regional Guidelines and Principles
ASIA AND THE PACIFIC
Statement of Principles of the Independence of the Judiciary in the
LAWASIA Region, 07/17-18-1982, Tokyo, Japan, LAWASIA Human Rights
Standing Committee
Revised Statement of Principles of the Independence of the Judiciary
in the LAWASIA Region, 09/13-15/ 1993, Colombo, Sri Lanka, 5th Conference
of the Chief Justices of Asia and the Pacific
Beijing Statement of Principles of the Independence of the Judiciary
in the LAWASIA Region, 08/ 19/1995, Beijing, China, 6th Conference
of the Chief Justices of Asia and the Pacific
Commonwealth (the United Kingdom and the former British colonies)
Latimer House Guidelines for the Commonwealth, Joint Colloquium on
Parliamentary Supremacy and Judicial Independence...towards a Commonwealth
Model, Latimer House, United Kingdom, June 15th- 19th, 1998
EUROPE
Judges' Charter in Europe, 03/20/1993, European Association of Judges
Recommendation no.R(94)12 of the Committee of Ministers to Member
States on the Independence
Efficiency and Role of Judges 10/13/1993, 518th Meeting of the Ministers
Deputies, Council of Europe
European Charter on the Status of Judges, 07/08-10/1998, Council of
Europe, Strasbourg, France
MIDDLE EAST
Recommendations of the First Arab Conference on Justice, Beirut Declaration,
06/14-16/1999, Conference on The Judiciary in the Arab Region and
the Challenges of the 21st Century, Beirut, Lebanon
LATIN AMERICA
Caracas Declaration, 03/04-06/1998, Ibero-American Summit of Presidents
of Supreme Justice Tribunals and Courts, Caracas, Venezuela
Any anti-corruption strategy must include an appropriate sanctions
element. The objective is usually to alter the risk versus reward
equation so that the risks of detection and punishment are such as
to outweigh the prospects of reward. Prosecution and retribution can
seldom be used as the primary weapon in a country where corruption
is a serious problem, as generally in such a country the judiciary
and legal profession themselves are also corrupt and unreliable.
One theory is that reformists must "fry big fish", but
in practice the biggest "fish" to be prosecuted is usually
a leader who has fallen from favour. Certainly the rule of law requires
that all government takes place "under the law" and is accountable
to the courts for its lawfulness and constitutionality. However, prosecution
is frequently abused as a cover for political purges.
Prosecution is best seen as being second in the line of defence to
a prevention policy. Sanctions only come into play when prevention
fails, and the more effective a preventions policy, the less the need
for sanctions. Laws and civil service rules should be simple to understand
and simple to enforce. A high probability of detection, prosecution
and punishment is the greatest deterrent to the would-be corrupt.
Those accused of corruption should be proceeded against in ways consistent
with universally recognised human rights standards, given a fair hearing
and be able to defend themselves. "Internal justice" disciplinary
procedures should be as constitutionally fair as those in the criminal
courts.
Immunity from prosecution should be extremely limited, and able to
be lifted without difficulty in appropriate cases. Some countries
have so many categories of officials immune from the criminal law
that tens of thousands of state officials are beyond the reach of
the law. It is usual for a President to be immune from criminal prosecution
while in office, although some countries extend this into retirement,
for no justifiable reason. A sitting President can be impeached by
the legislature and then prosecuted.
Limitation periods (the time within which prosecutions must be brought
or completed) ought not to be too short, at least for serious corruption
cases. Major corruption can lie hidden for lengthy periods. Nor should
time continue to run against the prosecutors while a case is being
heard, or defence lawyers will prolong hearings simply to have the
prosecution run out of time (such as in Italy, where lawyers can drag
out proceedings through the appellate courts leaving the convicted
and the corrupt to walk free).
An important sanction is an ability for the state to trace, freeze
and recover the proceeds of corruption wherever in the world these
may be.
Resources
Pope, Jeremy (2000): TI Source Book. Confronting Corruption: The Elements
of a National Integrity System, Chapter
27 - Laws to Fight Corruption, Berlin, Transparency International
Local governments offer an environment, which is at the same time
particularly vulnerable to corruption and which offers special opportunities
for effective anti-corruption programmes. The recent trends toward
decentralisation [LINK FAQ 34] increase the focus on local governments
for the fight against corruption.
Opportunities for corruption abound in local governments, as local
officials often have very close contacts to citizens, contractors
and interest groups.
In addition, in many countries local governments make a large
part of total public expenditures. Local anti-corruption campaigns
therefore often target public contracting and service provision.
Local governments, however, also offer opportunities for concrete
and effective anti-corruption campaigns that are cost-effective
in their implementation. These opportunities arise, as the smaller
size of institutions makes them more accessible and potentially
easier to reform. At the same time, local politicians are very close
to their constituents and might therefore be won more easily as
partners in the fight against corruption.
Anti-corruption activities by special anti-corruption commissions
or civil society institutions at the local and community level can
focus on one or more of the following:
Make information [LINK FAQ 7] available to citizens and increase
citizen participation, e.g. through public hearings or participation
in the budgetary process and oversight mechanisms.
Raise public awareness about corruption and thus change public
attitudes and expectations. Public opinion surveys are good tools
to raise awareness and diagnose problems.
Train local officials [LINK FAQ 31], e.g. in new accounting tools,
e-government applications, information provision.
Design and implement codes of conduct [LINK FAQ 21].
Implement e-government strategies to enhance transparency and
the flow of information.
Design open and participatory public procurement procedures [LINK
FAQ 4].
Hong
Kong provides a good example for a fairly comprehensive local
anti corruption strategy.
The following factors enhance the likelihood of success of local
anti-corruption programmes:
Anti-corruption programmes need to address problems that are perceived
as pressing by the local public.
Projects and reforms should fit the technical capabilities, resources
and needs of the community. This is especially relevant for e-government
solutions.
Information and involvement of the local community are crucial
for two reasons: First, public awareness and involvement increases
the incentives for officials to co-operate with anti-corruption
programmes, as their legitimacy depends on co-operation. Second,
many anti-corruption projects rely on transparency and access to
information as a tool to prevent corruption. Active citizens seeking
and obtaining access to information are therefore crucial to success.
Controls of and sanctions for public officials should be combined
with positive incentives to increase the political will of officials
to fight corruption. Positive incentives can include integrity awards,
salary reforms and the introduction of new tools and training, such
as new budgeting and accounting software.
Klitgaard, Robert and MacLean-Abaroa, Ronald and Parris, H. Lindsey,
(2000): Corrupt Cities. A Practical Guide to Cure and Prevention.
ICS Press, 2000. Click
here for an earlier version of Corrupt Cities
Public complaints mechanisms are indispensable tools for raising
and measuring government's accountability - which is not simply an
end in itself but in turn boosts its legitimacy, credibility and strength
to undertake anti-corruption reforms.
Main Methods for collecting and acting upon citizens' complaints
While some of the methods are designed to encourage citizens to provide
feedback by submitting complaints or comments after they have had
contact with a public service others are more pro-active, involving
public sector organisations seeking feedback from individual citizen
or particular groups of citizens on specific issues that can be analysed
and fed into the decision-making mechanisms as on-going input.
One way of encouraging informal citizen feedback rather than more
formal complaints is the use of comment, report or suggestion schemes.
This might involve the provision of suggestion boxes, report cards,
etc. Whatever methods used, it is crucial that they are adequately
publicised (through posters in public offices, leaflets, publication
of dedicated hotline numbers, etc.). Methods most commonly used are:
1. Preventive Advising
Citizen's advice centres are commonly used by civil society groups
in many parts of the world to ensure that citizens - and especially
the poor and the marginalized - can obtain free advice on how to deal
with government agencies (e.g. housing, benefits, pensions, etc.)
and about their legal rights in general. Principal elements of citizen's
advice centres (or advice bureaus) include:
Disseminating information on public services;
Providing free and independent advice to citizens;
Providing a two-way channel of communication between citizens
and the government.
2. On-going Collection of Citizen Feedback
Citizen's Charters are often used to set out the procedures for making
complaints. The intention is to shift the emphasis from complaints
as something negative to viewing complaints as an important form of
communication and feedback. Citizens' comments can then be analysed
to target improvements in public services in areas seen to be failing.
The report card approach, where users are questioned about the public
services, is another increasingly used mechanism for collecting citizen
feedback, with India and Bangladesh being good examples [link Tool
Kit, http://www.transparency.org/toolkits/toolkit_toc.html].
Among the institutions successfully used to channel public complaints
are:
Independent Anti-corruption agencies - Botswana's
Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime (DCEC) is a good
model on the role of anti-corruption agencies in handling public
complaints and collective pro-active citizen feedback.
Ombudsman and Inspectorates - for complaints channelled through
the office of the Ombudsman refer to the respective FAQ on Ombudsmen.
[Read about Ombudsmen]
Inspection Panels - the World
Bank's Inspection Panel created in 1993 to provide an independent
forum to private citizens who believe that they or their interests
have been or could be directly harmed by a project financed by the
World Bank - the first body of its kind to give voice to private
citizens in an international context - sets a good precedent in
this regard.
Committees of Concerned Citizens - Bangladesh's
Model and experience are of interest in this regard.
Protective Framework
For public complaints mechanisms to be widely used, in addition to
laying the necessary legal and institutional framework for their operation,
it is equally essential to put in place provisions ensuring adequate
safeguards and protection for citizens using or contemplating to use
those mechanisms. Such safeguards include:
Whistleblower Protection mechanisms - providing safe channels
for employees to complain [More about Whisleblowers]
Public Disclosure Acts - promoting accountability and sound governance in
organisations by reassuring workers that it is both safe and acceptable to
raise concerns [More about Public Disclosure]
Prerequisites for effectiveness include:
Ensuring that there is accessibility and confidence in the utilisation
of the complaint services by the general public and also that public
complaints receive due attention;
List of complaints received by an organisation are made public;
Complaints are recorded and analysed as on-going feedback and
the results fed into the public service reform decision-making processes.
"Whistleblowing" is an issue in both the public and the
private sector. In both, employees can become aware of malpractices
of superiors where the public, or the public interest, is put at risk.
The first people to know of misconduct inside an organisation are
usually those who work there, yet employees often fear the loss of
their jobs or the friendships of colleagues.
Employees aware of misconduct have four options:
To remain silent
To raise the concern through an internal procedure
To raise the concern with an external body, such as a regulator,
or
To make disclosure to the media.
Unless the culture in the workplace is one that allows employees
to speak up without fear, each of the options can have adverse repercussions.
Faced with uncomfortable choices, most choose to remain silent. This
is seen by some managers as being the safest approach, but it means
that the door is left open to further malpractices, that a responsible
employer is denied an opportunity to protect its interests, and that
unscrupulous competitors or managers may start to assume that "anything
goes". It can also provoke employees to go to the media with
unfounded allegations that they believe to be true.
It is widely recognised that internal procedures alone are insufficient,
as they tend to become adversarial and the individual is expected
to "prove" his or her case. For this reason there should
be an external complaints channel for use where a worker has either
raised a matter unsuccessfully or where he or she reasonably fears
victimisation.
Increasingly, governments are enacting legislation to establish whistleblower
protection schemes. As well as giving them legal protection, "whistleblowers"
can be encouraged to complain to new institutions such as anti-corruption
commissions or Ombudsman offices, or through anonymous telephone "hotlines".
In some countries, strong social taboos about "denouncing"
fellow citizens have to be overcome. Some have enacted laws making
it a criminal offence to fail to report bribery and corrupt acts.
In the United States whistleblowers can commence court proceedings
("qui tam" actions http://www.quitam.com/barg1.html) claiming
damages, which they then share with the government.
Resources
Dehn, Guy, (1996): An Analysis of the Laws and Practices in Europe
which Affect Attitudes Towards Whistleblowing, Fraud and the European
Union, Public Concern at Work.
Devine, Tom (ed), (2001): Checklist for Effective Whistleblower Protection
Laws, Government Accountability Project.
Jayawickrama, Nihal, (2000): Whistleblower protection, UN Global Programme
Against Corruption.
Transparency International - Australia, (1999): Draft Standard for
a Whistleblowing System for Organisations (Internal)